NEW DELHI – India
and Pakistan
are enjoying one of the better periods in their turbulent relationship. Recent
months have witnessed no terrorist incidents, no escalating rhetoric, and no
diplomatic flashpoints. Pakistani President Asif Ali Zardari just made a
successful, if brief, personal visit to India
(mainly to visit a famous shrine, but with a lunch with Prime Minister Manmohan
Singh thrown in). Sixteen years after India
granted Pakistan
most-favored-nation (MFN) trading status, Pakistan
is on the verge of reciprocating. The peace process is resuming, and the two
sides are talking to each other cordially at all levels.
“These jihadi groups recruit from the millions of young Pakistanis who emerge from vernacular
schools and madrassas, imbued with a hatred for the modern world, in which they
do not have the skills to work. So while young Indians go to Silicon
Valley and make a bomb for themselves, young Pakistanis go to the Swat
Valley and make a bomb of
themselves, the meanness of their lives justifying the end. Pakistan
has betrayed its youth, which is its tragedy.”
This is not a counsel of despair. It
is, instead, an argument to offer a helping hand. A neighboring country full of
desperate young men without hope or prospects, led by a malicious and
self-aggrandizing military, is a permanent threat to India.
If India can
help Pakistan
transcend these circumstances and develop a stake in mutually beneficial
progress, it will be helping itself as well. Therein lies the slender hope of
persuading Pakistan
that India’s
success can benefit it, too – that, rather than trying to undercut India
and thwart its growth, Pakistan
should recognize the advantages that might accrue to it in partnership with an
increasingly prosperous India.
Such an India can build on the
generosity that it has often shown – for example, with its unilateral
assignment of MFN status to Pakistan – by offering a market for Pakistani traders
and industrialists, a creative umbrella for its artists and singers, and a home
away from home for those seeking refuge from the realities of Pakistani life.
Creating more points of contact – back-channel diplomacy conducted by special
envoys (a formula used effectively by Singh and former Pakistani President
Pervez Musharraf), direct contact between the two militaries (of which there is
little), and extensive people-to-people contact – is indispensable to the peace
effort.
Unfortunately, India
responded to the November 2008 Mumbai attacks and other Pakistani provocations
by tightening its visa restrictions and restricting other possibilities for
cultural and social contact. This might be an area in which risks are worth
taking, since the advantages of enhancing opportunities for Pakistanis in India
outweigh the dangers; after all, the Mumbai terrorists did not apply for Indian
visas before sneaking ashore with their guns and bombs.
I strongly favor a liberal visa
regime, which would require India
to remove its current restrictions on which points of entry and exit Pakistani
visa-holders can use, the number of places that may be visited, and onerous
police reporting requirements. For starters, prominent Pakistanis in business,
entertainment, and media could be made eligible for more rapid processing and
multiple-entry visas.
Some would argue that Pakistan
will not reciprocate such one-sided generosity. That might be true, but India
should not care. Parity with Pakistan
would lower India’s
standards. India
should show a generosity of spirit that might persuade Pakistanis to rethink
their attitude towards Indians.
Concessions might also be made on
issues that do not involve vital national interests. Specific problems like
trade, the military standoff on the Siachen glacier, the territorial boundary
at Sir Creek, the dispute over water flows through the Wullar Barrage, and many
other disagreements are amenable to resolution through dialogue. It seems silly
that public passions in Pakistan
are being stirred by false claims that India
is diverting water from the Indus River;
candid and open talk to the Pakistani public by Indian officials would help
dispel such suspicions.
More immediately, India
should seize upon Pakistan’s
newfound willingness to reciprocate India’s
grant of MFN trade status by taking concrete steps to reduce non-tariff
barriers, such as security inspections and clearances, that have limited
Pakistani exports to India.
India’s
financial-services industry and its software professionals could offer their
skills to Pakistani clients. They would gain a next-door market, while
providing services that Pakistan
could use to develop its own economy. These are all “easy wins” waiting to be
pursued.
The big questions – the Kashmir
dispute and Pakistan’s
use of terrorism as an instrument of policy – will require much more groundwork
and step-by-step action for progress to be achieved. By adopting a position of
accommodation, sensitivity, and pragmatic generosity, India
might be able to shift the bilateral narrative away from its 65-year-old logic
of intractable hostility.
Shashi Tharoor, a member of India’s parliament, was Indian Minister of State for Foreign Affairs
from 2009-2010, and served as United Nations Under-Secretary-General from
2001-2007. In addition to his expertise in Indian foreign policy and global
affairs, he is an author of literary fiction, whose novels, including Riot, The Great Indian Novel, and Show Business, explore the intricacies of Indian society
and the hidden underpinnings of its everyday life.