高樓低廈,人潮起伏,
名爭利逐,千萬家悲歡離合。

閑雲偶過,新月初現,
燈耀海城,天地間留我孤獨。

舊史再提,故書重讀,
冷眼閑眺,關山未變寂寞!

念人老江湖,心碎家國,
百年瞬息,得失滄海一粟!

徐訏《新年偶感》

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顯示包含「Christopher R. Hill」標籤的文章。顯示所有文章

2012年2月15日星期三

Christopher R. Hill: The Long March from Shanghai




SHANGHAI – Forty years ago, in February 1972, US President Richard M. Nixon journeyed to China. On the seventh day of “the week that changed the world,” as Nixon called it, he and Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai signed the “Shanghai Communiqué,” which began the normalization of bilateral relations and bound the United States, a principal supporter of Taiwan, to the People’s Republic’s doctrine of “One China.”

Nixon’s euphoric declaration was typical of his mood. While he did not claim to have changed China’s internal system, he had in fact spearheaded a fundamental reordering of the superpower balance of the time, and consolidated the estrangement between the Soviet Union and China that had been underway for several years. In a sense, Nixon’s trip was the beginning of the end of the Cold War.

Forty years later, the US-China relationship has grown exponentially to become arguably the most important and complex bilateral relationship in the world. Their economic ties, in particular, have developed in ways nobody could have ever imagined back then. China has emerged as the world’s second-largest economy, and the pace of its social and political changes has been equally breathtaking.

Yet, as the Chinese/Russian joint veto of the United Nations Security Council resolution on Syria on February 5 symbolized, the US-China relationship remains a work in progress. It requires careful and deft management, which may have been lacking that day.

Russia has had a longstanding relationship with Syria’s Assad regime, and its decision to veto the resolution seemed rooted in its Middle East policies. China’s decision, by contrast, seemed to be based more on suspicion of US foreign policy – indeed, on a concept heard a lot in China these days: strategic mistrust.

As one prominent academic said to me in Shanghai: “Once bitten by a snake, a man fears a length of rope.” In other words, the Chinese had backed last year’s Security Council resolution to protect Libyan civilians from Colonel Muammar el-Qaddafi, and NATO’s use of that resolution to intervene decisively in support of regime change had so traumatized China that it would not cooperate on another.

As a result, China chose to veto a resolution that enjoyed broad support in the international community, including the Arab League, suffering a well-deserved blow to its international prestige in the process. Indeed, unlike the Russians, who dispatched Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov to Damascus the next day, China seemed to have no diplomatic alternative in mind, thus appearing to be unwilling to act as a stake-holder in an international system that refuses to regard artillery strikes on civilians as domestic matters.

Given the importance of the US-China relationship, no one should regard China’s diplomatic travails as good news. China’s mistakes are no one’s gain.

The resolution’s failure not only exposed the international community’s lack of resolve in confronting the Assad regime (indeed, many commentators believe that the vetoed resolution did more harm than good); it also strengthened Chinese-Russian cooperation – precisely what US diplomats in 1972 had sought to weaken. The sense of urgency reflected in efforts to address the rapidly deteriorating situation in Syria should be applied to problems that arise in the US-China relationship as well.

China’s veto did not happen in a vacuum. America’s recent decision to begin to disengage from wars in South Asia and the Middle East and refocus on East Asia (“the pivot,” as it was dubbed) has begun to look like an effort to confront China over its strident assertions of sovereignty in the South China Sea. Despite thousands of years of dealing with its smaller southern neighbors, an increasingly powerful China has not managed those relationships well recently.

Forty years ago, the Chinese worried about a Soviet plot to encircle their country. Today, there is an updated concern – expressed on Chinese blogs and by an increasingly assertive young generation – that China’s government is allowing the US to do the same thing. As that view takes hold among Chinese, the US is finding China to be an increasingly reluctant partner on issues that clearly concern their mutual interests.

China’s unwillingness to address North Korean perfidy – that is, to go beyond vague and feckless calls for dialogue – is a case in point. The US and China should be able to forge a common strategy to stop North Korea from building nuclear weapons. Instead, little has been accomplished, owing to mounting Chinese mistrust.

But nobody is trying to contain China, much less encircle it. China needs to look within and understand that its domestic problems can no longer be resolved with a nationalism stoked by real or imagined slights from abroad. China’s “century of shame” is long over.

Soon after the Shanghai Communiqué, China embarked on a historic journey that made Mao Zedong’s mythicized Long March seem like a stroll in the park. China (wisely) chose the path of engagement with the world. Part of China’s journey has been to understand better how to balance its interests and attitudes with those of the many countries that comprise the international community.

But the US also needs to understand that its relationship with China is, as a Chinese official remarked recently, “too big to fail,” and requires purposeful management. To focus on America’s worst fears about China, to suggest that it is a dangerous element in the world, as some US pundits suggest, is to risk creating a self-fulfilling prophecy.

Syria’s population is tiny compared to China’s, which is not to say that Syria, or the suffering of its people, is unimportant. But it does suggest the need to consider the US relationship with China both at the UN and elsewhere, and to do a better job of preventing more breakdowns like the one in New York on February 5.


Christopher R. Hill, former US Assistant Secretary of State for East Asia, was US Ambassador to Iraq, South Korea, Macedonia, and Poland, US special envoy for Kosovo, a negotiator of the Dayton Peace Accords, and chief US negotiator with North Korea from 2005-2009. He is now Dean of the Korbel School of International Studies, University of Denver.

2012年1月19日星期四

Christopher R. Hill: Iraq’s Politics, Iraq’s Problem





DENVER – The narrative of contemporary Iraq is becoming etched in stone: United States troops are leaving, and the country is falling apart. Iraq, we are told, is once again on the brink of dictatorship, this time under the Shia politician Nuri al-Maliki, who has been prime minister since 2006.

The notion that Iraq’s ongoing political problems were caused by America’s departure, or that they could be improved by its return, is something that only a solipsistic American could believe. In fact, not everything that happens in Iraq reflects the presence – or absence – of US troops.

Iraq’s political problems are of Iraq’s making, and need to be resolved by Iraqis. Outside mediation can help. But no one should be under the illusion that foreign troops, engaged for eight years as a post-invasion occupying force, are ideal for this task.

“Urban bias” is a term often used to explain the phenomenon by which city dwellers receive a disproportionate share of a society’s resources and benefits. But it can refer to something else: an outsider’s understanding of a country that is based on disproportionate interaction with the urban population at the expense of those who live in harder-to-reach rural areas.

In Iraq, spending time in Baghdad reveals that Sunni and Shia Iraqis have learned to live together, that intermarriage is common, and that the issues that concern people are more secular than sectarian. But not all Iraqis live in Baghdad. Trips outside of the capital to Sunni-dominated Anbar or Shia-controlled southern Iraq often reveal a country much more focused on, and animated by, the Sunni-Shia divide. And this phenomenon did not begin with the US-led invasion. It had a thousand-year head start.

How people group themselves in a society – by tribe, sectarian identity, ethnicity, region, the urban-rural distinction, or attitudes concerning the role of government – is the essence of politics. Obviously, political identities change as modernization increases the salience of socio-economic factors. Iraq will not be immune to such shifts in political identities.

But, for now, the reality of Iraq is that most people, especially outside of cosmopolitan Baghdad, see themselves as Sunni or Shia. And that reality is further shaped by the following fact: for decades, Iraq was brutally and not very effectively ruled by the minority Sunnis, whose last leader was Saddam Hussein. The Shia, understandably, don’t want them back.

In preparation for the 2010 elections, the Sunnis set aside their internal differences and united under a single political party called Iraqiyya (the Iraqi National Movement). Of course, its organizers are loath to describe it as a Sunni party. Rather, it is described as a national party that invites people of all orientations to participate. That vision has great appeal among those who want to see a less sectarian-based form of politics in Iraq. But, within Iraq, there are very few people – Sunni or Shia – who do not see Iraqiyya as a party dedicated to restoring Sunni leadership.

The results of the March 2010 general election gave Iraqiyya 91 parliamentary seats, two more than the second-place finisher, Maliki’s State of Law coalition. But Iraqiyya was unable to forge a government coalition; indeed, it failed to attract a single additional MP, let alone the 72 that would be necessary to control a 163-seat majority in the 325-seat legislature. Meanwhile, Maliki, with 89 seats, was able to reach out to other Shia parties and the Kurds, eventually assembling a “national unity” government to gain a second term as prime minister.

Iraq’s economy is stumbling in the right direction, as are its security conditions, notwithstanding the recent attacks on Shia pilgrims (mostly likely carried out by al-Qaeda of Mesopotamia and other Sunni extremists). But Iraq’s politics remain problematic, and its leaders will have to rise to the occasion.

For starters, Maliki should do something that hasn’t been done in the Middle East for a long time: now and again, he should turn the other cheek and resist the temptation to come after his adversaries.

The Sunnis, for their part, need to get used to being mere members of a coalition, rather than its leaders. Shia majority rule is an immovable fact of life, at least for as long as Iraq’s citizens tie their political identities to sectarian affiliations. Iraqiyya’s leaders would be well advised to demonstrate more competence in governance rather than inflaming tensions, as Vice President Tariq al-Hashimi, a Sunni hardliner, has been fond of doing by pronouncing Maliki another Saddam. (Shias, even those who dislike Maliki, do not appreciate hearing that from a Sunni.)

Other Arab states, where Sunnis tend to dominate, can help by coming to terms with Shia majority rule in Iraq. They worked to reconcile differences within the Iraqi Sunni community. Perhaps they can facilitate Sunni-Shia reconciliation as well, and stop insinuating that Iraqi Shia are Iranian proxies. Embracing Iraq, rather than undermining it, would be a good way to start.


Christopher R. Hill, former US Assistant Secretary of State for East Asia, was US Ambassador to Iraq, South Korea, Macedonia, and Poland, US special envoy for Kosovo, a negotiator of the Dayton Peace Accords, and chief US negotiator with North Korea from 2005-2009. He is now Dean of the Korbel School of International Studies, University of Denver.