高樓低廈,人潮起伏,
名爭利逐,千萬家悲歡離合。

閑雲偶過,新月初現,
燈耀海城,天地間留我孤獨。

舊史再提,故書重讀,
冷眼閑眺,關山未變寂寞!

念人老江湖,心碎家國,
百年瞬息,得失滄海一粟!

徐訏《新年偶感》

2014年11月8日星期六

周日話題﹕佔領區的空間政治



文__何雪瑩

佔領持續接近個半月,佔中三子強調有天他們會主動 自首,學聯和學民認為未有任何成果難以撤離。這說明了各人對佔中的想像非不一樣:三子認為公民抗命是佔領運動的核心,必須完成自首和面對司法程序整個運動 才告圓滿;雙學大致上認為佔領是政改談判的籌碼。然而佔領跟其他社會形式的社會運動有何分別? 這個問題不好回答,但從城市研究或地理學而言,起點必然是空間的作用。

我們對瘋狂生長的自修室、五彩斑斕的連儂牆、水泥地上種花、幹道上遍 地盛開的帳篷驚喜,為香港首次出現如斯虛幻的畫面着迷,事實上這些景點得以發生,是空間和時間兩者互相交織而成。一般體制式的政治參與如投票、諮詢會議等 所佔據的時間和空間都相當有限,近年矚目的網上政治參與和社會運動更是發生在虛擬空間。這不是說時間和空間有限的政治參與不重要,實際上以上的政治參與和 社會運動都是這場佔領運動得以發生所不可或缺的條件。然而今天的佔領之所以如此撼動人心,甚至超越其他社會運動,正反映出長持續一段時間佔領物理空間所孕 育的無限可能性。這也許是其他形式的社會運動無法比擬的。

游走於行車天橋的超現實

數周前我在「流動民主教室」曾經提起,能在 幹道上蹓躂是多麼surreal的事,有位中年男子立刻走過來對我這種「佔領幹道」的正面思想表達不滿。今天用雙腳在金鐘的行車天橋上游走,我仍對眼前的 景象有多超真實感到不可思議。這的確不是我們使用空間的習慣。試試閉上眼回想佔領或罷課前的金鐘長什麼樣子。那是一座恍如堡壘般,被圍起 (fortified)和升高(elevated)的政府機關。人們要過去多從金鐘地鐵站出發,穿過海富中心,上電梯,經天橋到達「門常開」。由地底(地 鐵)經天橋到離地升高的政府總部,整個過程完全沒有「腳踏實地」,也沒有停留的理由和時刻,因為它僅僅是一條通道,讓行人行來行往,什麼事都沒有發生。

而分隔中信大廈和立法會出入口的馬路,仔細想想,我們何時開始得知那條叫「添美道」?答案很可能是2012年的反國教運動。後來今年夏天的新界東北,還有今次的佔領運動,添美道再成主角。在非「社運進行中」之時,你會記得添美道嗎?又有多少人會在添美道流連忘返?

添 美道、龍和道這些地方,令我想起法國人類學家Marc Auge筆下的non-place。先別管他本來的理論是non-place是超現代性(supermodernity)的產物而超現代性又是什麼,這些 non-place的特性是沒有任何人際社會關係、身分和歷史性的地方,他筆下的例子包括機場、公路和超級市場。其他在政總短暫發生過的社會運動都曾暫時 將添美道、龍和道、夏慤道這些non-place改變,為其賦予社會關係、身分和歷史意義,而眼下的佔領運動更是「2.0」加強版。

商業中心變成生活場所

本 來金鐘是個政治和商業中心,non-place空間設計從不宜久留,也不打算吸引人久留,結果這場運動得以一直延續下去,長期有上千人在晚上過夜,放工時 間有上萬人在流動,固然因為佔領者對爭取民主的理念非常堅持,同時也因為這個冷冰冰的商業中心變得適合長時間逗留,甚至棲息和生活。這個過程正是地方營造 (placemaking)。

自約1960年代開始西歐和美國,由上而下、官僚主導的城市規劃的遺害漸漸浮現,一些社區工作者和建築師將地 方營造的概念發揚光大,對症下藥解決都市和空間問題。地方營造確實是什麼或者如何落實有很多說法,不一而足,但也許有些原則和理念可以參考。地方營造將公 共空間的重要性放大,認為我們應當集體參與影響公共空間的設計、使用和管理和經營並將共享的精神和價值放大。它的結果遠不止是一個設計更佳的公共空間,而 是一股促進一個地方獨有的文化、經濟、社會和生態活動得以持續和演變的力量。

聽起來似乎很複雜,但如果我們問:「為何金鐘政總這個本來以幹 道為主導,除了反國教以外我從沒有在這裏久留的地方,竟然讓我和很多示威者都流連忘返?」這個簡單的問題,我們將會得出很多近乎直覺般簡單卻非常真實的答 案。例如一個設備齊全到超越五星級酒店、定期有人輪班清潔的廁所,令人大小二便倍感暢通;例如扶手樓梯,讓各位穿短裙高跟鞋的斯文OL和每天裙襬長到拖地 的我不用擔心走光和絆倒,面對橫跨十條行車線的夏愨道石壆皺起眉頭苦無對策最後又要兜天橋,而這些樓梯出現的位置永遠最方便,一出地鐵站海富中心便能直線 到達添美道或大台而不必繞路;瘋狂演變和生長的自修室為一班作為運動骨幹的學生提供工作地方,更隨着天氣出現電燈、帳篷等;少不得的當然有廢物分類回收 站,當中分類仔細,一個膠樽要分成瓶蓋、包裝紙和水樽分類回收(你以為都是塑膠就可以一起處置便大錯特錯)。金鐘本來是劣食地獄,大致上只有外國勢力快餐 店、本地薑快餐店和本地薑扮外國勢力的快餐店,卻不時有人來派飯派水天氣轉涼後更有番薯和薑茶供應,佔領區幾乎有齊生活所需。 而且佔領區還有大量手作和藝術創作,在想不到的位置出現,創作跟空間的脈絡連結起來顯得更有力量(不信請看連儂牆),我們的公共生活從未如此豐富過。

換 句話說,正因為市民本身才最知道社區的需要(最佳例子再一次是扶手樓梯的位置),他們不需要官僚以上帝視角決定每吋土地的用途。當關心空間使用的團體和個 人多年來辦研討會寫文,建議釋放官僚對公共空間的限制之餘,也希望擴闊市民對空間規劃和使用的想像時,原來只要一場佔領發生,有着足夠的時間和物理空間, 人的潛能就這樣釋放出來。基本的地方營造原來可以咁簡單。而當沒有了不准踢足球不准玩滑板等為怕發生任何意外等的外來規定,市民自己會學習跟別人從實踐中 討論空間使用的法則和規矩。當中難免會有些衝突,例如點解你紮個營阻住我個營出入,但這也是學習的一種,而且外來規定引發的衝突、不快和風險,往往不比自 發狀態少。

城市屬於使用者不屬於地主

更基本的是,佔領運動要爭取的不止是真普選、廢除功能組別和市民有免受不合理警察暴力自 由這些公民及政治權利,它愈來愈關乎爭取城市權(Right to the city)。法國哲學家拉斐伏爾(Henri Lefebvre)於1960年代提出爭取城市權運動後,這場討論一直延伸至今天方興未艾,地理學者也開始將城市權的意義擴闊到無限大包括公民得以享有公 共物品(public goods)如水電房屋的權利,如此使用城市權概念並沒有錯,但我們必須回到拉斐伏爾提出城市權的背景。他看不過眼的是在空間生產和使用的過程中,交易價 值 (exchange value)取代了使用價值(used value)成為決定性原則。一塊地用來起樓還是起公園並非視乎能為市民帶來多大用處而是能賺幾多錢。為何今場佔領運動是一場關乎城市權的戰役,其實答案 就在我們日常的修辭當中。佔領城市的主要幹道會令每人返工多30分鐘,經濟損失幾多億,商店損失又幾多億;換句話說,夏愨道應該是幹道而不是讓人佔領的建 制和警方修辭正是空間的交易價值凌駕一切的明證。當我們每天為可能清場擔驚受怕,不就是因為我們使用道路和政府總部作為抗爭空間的城市權受威脅嗎?

可 以幾肯定的是即使我們成功爭取公民和政治權利落實,城市權卻更難落實。一來城市權面對的不止是政治還資本的影響(全球民主國家爭取城市權的運動更是形形色 色,可見民主並非萬靈丹),二來爭取城市權不是單單以獲取公共資源為目標,而是一場不曾止息和演化的運動。拉斐伏爾筆下的城市權可分為right to participation 和right to appropriation。前者比較容易理解,簡單可說是當空間改變所有受影響的城市人都該有權參與決定,而非限制於地主、屋主或股東本身;而 right to appropriation更是一場阻止空間異化的行動。拉斐伏爾認為當空間的交易價值凌駕於使用價值,空間便會跟城市使用者發生異化,兩者關係割裂起 來,只有通過空間的appropriation人們才能重奪空間,而非落入資本累積倫理之中。城市不屬於地主,而屬於使用者。拉斐伏爾同時提出將 autogestion這個工人自己營運工廠的概念融入城市權之中,透過appropriate城市空間我們才能自我管理空間下的生活,將城市空間重新跟 社會關係網絡重新連結起來,而非受資本累積邏輯決定城市生活。這,不正正是發生在今天的金鐘嗎?

當佔領運動由爭取政治公民權利延伸至城市 權,而且因為物理空間和時間許可,以實踐而非一般倡議(advocacy)的形式爭取,這就是一種預兆式政治(prefigurative politics):佔領華爾街的精神領袖、人類學家David Graeber指出,佔領華爾街的預兆式政治的重點在於,我們要爭取一個理想,在運動間必先將其實踐出來。

香港佔領主幹道的獨特性

這 場佔領運動將會在香港和世界近代史上佔上一席,理順空間在佔領運動的獨特角色將對我們理解其本地和國際重要性非常有幫助。國際上近年佔領運動如雨後春筍, 由2010年英國學生佔領大學校園抗議瘋狂加學費、阿拉伯之春、佔領華爾街在全球遍地開花、2011至12年西班牙的Indignant Movement、去年土耳其伊斯坦堡,關於佔領的專著和研究從不缺少。當中雖然不少研究偏重互聯網的動員能力,但空間作為佔領運動最獨特的條件卻不容忽 視,而且當人家大多數都是佔領廣場或公園,香港卻因沒有如此具公共價值的廣場加上誤打敵撞下佔領主要幹道和一堆附近零碎的non-place,這種香港的 獨特性注定是要被仔細研究和記上一筆的。而我們在香港,當一些前輩都說運動陷入膠着狀態而要盡快退場,或者我們是要「佔領人心而非佔領馬路」,他們說的在 社運的策點上都非常有道理。但如果將空間在佔領運動的獨特性包含在內,我欣賞到的倒是另一面:時間愈長,佔領區物理空間和在其之間發生的人際和社會活動和 關係也在不停演變中,如此看來這個空間實驗每天都在經歷或大或小的改變,從來不曾陷入膠着狀態。「佔領人心,而非佔領馬路」,我非常明白爭取全港市民也很 大程度上同意這樣的說法,但同時我也感到,只有透過佔領馬路,人心才會發生改變。

村上春樹勉勵佔領者: 親手建造沒高牆世界



【雨傘革命 第43天】
【本報訊】提出「雞蛋與高牆」抗命信念的日本作家村上春樹,隔空聲援本港的爭普選佔領運動。村上春樹在德國出席一個文學獎頒獎禮時,公開勉勵此時此刻正對 抗高牆的香港年輕示威者,切勿灰心放棄爭取一個更美好、更自由世界的理想,只要不斷嘗試,必定可親手建造一個沒有高牆的世界。
記者:麥志榮 袁樂婷                                                                   
                                                                                                                                     
繼日本音樂大師坂本龍一表態支持本港佔領運動後,作品在中國暢銷的日本殿堂級作家村上春樹無懼被封殺,發聲支持本港佔領運動。          


                                                                                                                                                      
德頒獎禮上撐港人                       
曾提出「雞蛋與高牆」政治比喻的村上春樹,上周五在德國出席《世界報》(Die Welt)文學獎頒獎禮時以英語致辭,提到今天是分隔東、西方的柏林圍牆倒下25周年,並將本港爭普選的示威者,與在柏林圍牆下的前東德人民,及加沙地區戰火中的巴勒斯坦人相提並論。



他指出,柏林圍牆倒下後,世界紛爭仍然不斷,民族、宗教、不容異見、原教旨主義、貪婪及恐懼,成為一道又一道的高牆。而小說家的責任正是協助讀者釋放想像力的力量,跨越這些一幅幅難以突破的圍牆。


他又將以下一段話送給本港的爭普選年輕人:「只要平靜而堅持地繼續去歌唱,繼續去傳說那些故事,有關更美好及更自由世界將會來臨的故事,不要灰心,我們便 能親眼看到,只要不懈地嘗試,我們甚至可以親手觸摸到沒有高牆的世界。我想將這個訊息傳遞給那一群此時此刻正和他們的高牆對抗的香港年輕人。」(in the quiet but sustained effort to keep on singing, to keep on telling stories, stories about a better and freer world to come, without losing heart, we can see with our own eyes, we can even touch it with our own hands if we try hard. I'd like to send this message to the young people in Hong Kong who are struggling against their wall right now at this moment.)                                                                                                                                 
全場觀眾熱烈鼓掌                 
村上春樹的「雞蛋與高牆」政治比喻,已成為本港公民抗命常用的口號。財政司司長曾俊華上周為去年落區被掟雞蛋一案出庭時,辯方律師問他有否聽過「雞蛋與高牆」,他也表示聽過,但自言不是高牆。
村上春樹發表獲獎致辭約10分鐘,獲全場200位觀眾熱烈鼓掌回應。德國《世界報》於1946年創辦,文學獎是該報為紀念德國已故文學批評家Willy Haas(1891-1973)而於1999年起設立,Willy Haas的文友包括著名作家卡夫卡。曾獲獎作家包括2002年諾貝爾文學獎得主Imre Kertesz、美國名作家Philip Roth等,獎金10,000歐羅(約96,000港元)。                                                                                                                                                              
雞蛋=脆弱靈魂 高牆=冷酷體制    

                                                                                                                 
【話你知】
雞蛋與高牆的比喻,源於村上春樹2009年到以色列接受耶路撒冷文學獎,在頒獎禮上的演說。他在演說中毫不客氣地直指以色列在加沙地區的軍事行動,導致數 以千計平民及兒童喪生。他稱寫作時腦中總有一個信念,「假如這裏有堅固的高牆和撞牆破碎的雞蛋,我總是站在雞蛋一邊。無論高牆多麼正確和雞蛋多麼錯誤,我 也還是站在雞蛋一邊」。他解釋,轟炸機、坦克、機關槍是堅硬的高牆,被其摧毀的非武裝平民是雞蛋。而更深的含義是雞蛋代表每個人都有的脆弱靈魂,而高牆就 是冷酷、高效、而且有系統的體制。每個人都是面對體制這道高牆的一個雞蛋,唯一獲勝希望是自己和他人的靈魂聚攏在一起。人有靈魂,體制則沒有,不是體制創 造了人,是人創造了體制。





Jerusalem Prize Acceptance Speech 2009 by Haruki  Murakami (村上春樹)

Always on the side of the egg

I have come to Jerusalem today as a novelist, which is to say as a professional spinner of lies.
Of course, novelists are not the only ones who tell lies. Politicians do it, too, as we all know. Diplomats and military men tell their own kinds of lies on occasion, as do used car salesmen, butchers and builders. The lies of novelists differ from others, however, in that no one criticizes the novelist as immoral for telling them. Indeed, the bigger and better his lies and the more ingeniously he creates them, the more he is likely to be praised by the public and the critics. Why should that be?

My answer would be this: Namely, that by telling skillful lies - which is to say, by making up fictions that appear to be true - the novelist can bring a truth out to a new location and shine a new light on it. 

In most cases, it is virtually impossible to grasp a truth in its original form and depict it accurately. This is why we try to grab its tail by luring the truth from its hiding place, transferring it to a fictional location, and replacing it with a fictional form. In order to accomplish this, however, we first have to clarify where the truth lies within us. This is an important qualification for making up good lies.

Today, however, I have no intention of lying. I will try to be as honest as I can. There are a few days in the year when I do not engage in telling lies, and today happens to be one of them. 

So let me tell you the truth. A fair number of people advised me not to come here to accept the Jerusalem Prize. Some even warned me they would instigate a boycott of my books if I came.
The reason for this, of course, was the fierce battle that was raging in Gaza. The UN reported that more than a thousand people had lost their lives in the blockaded Gaza City, many of them unarmed citizens - children and old people. 

Any number of times after receiving notice of the award, I asked myself whether traveling to Israel at a time like this and accepting a literary prize was the proper thing to do, whether this would create the impression that I supported one side in the conflict, that I endorsed the policies of a nation that chose to unleash its overwhelming military power. This is an impression, of course, that I would not wish to give. I do not approve of any war, and I do not support any nation. Neither, of course, do I wish to see my books subjected to a boycott. 

Finally, however, after careful consideration, I made up my mind to come here. One reason for my decision was that all too many people advised me not to do it. Perhaps, like many other novelists, I tend to do the exact opposite of what I am told. If people are telling me - and especially if they are warning me - "don't go there," "don't do that," I tend to want to "go there" and "do that." It's in my nature, you might say, as a novelist. Novelists are a special breed. They cannot genuinely trust anything they have not seen with their own eyes or touched with their own hands. 

And that is why I am here. I chose to come here rather than stay away. I chose to see for myself rather than not to see. I chose to speak to you rather than to say nothing. 

This is not to say that I am here to deliver a political message. To make judgments about right and wrong is one of the novelist's most important duties, of course. 

It is left to each writer, however, to decide upon the form in which he or she will convey those judgments to others. I myself prefer to transform them into stories - stories that tend toward the surreal. Which is why I do not intend to stand before you today delivering a direct political message.

Please do, however, allow me to deliver one very personal message. It is something that I always keep in mind while I am writing fiction. I have never gone so far as to write it on a piece of paper and paste it to the wall: Rather, it is carved into the wall of my mind, and it goes something like this:
"Between a high, solid wall and an egg that breaks against it, I will always stand on the side of the egg." 

Yes, no matter how right the wall may be and how wrong the egg, I will stand with the egg. Someone else will have to decide what is right and what is wrong; perhaps time or history will decide. If there were a novelist who, for whatever reason, wrote works standing with the wall, of what value would such works be? 

What is the meaning of this metaphor? In some cases, it is all too simple and clear. Bombers and tanks and rockets and white phosphorus shells are that high, solid wall. The eggs are the unarmed civilians who are crushed and burned and shot by them. This is one meaning of the metaphor. 

This is not all, though. It carries a deeper meaning. Think of it this way. Each of us is, more or less, an egg. Each of us is a unique, irreplaceable soul enclosed in a fragile shell. This is true of me, and it is true of each of you. And each of us, to a greater or lesser degree, is confronting a high, solid wall. The wall has a name: It is The System. The System is supposed to protect us, but sometimes it takes on a life of its own, and then it begins to kill us and cause us to kill others - coldly, efficiently, systematically. 

I have only one reason to write novels, and that is to bring the dignity of the individual soul to the surface and shine a light upon it. The purpose of a story is to sound an alarm, to keep a light trained on The System in order to prevent it from tangling our souls in its web and demeaning them. I fully believe it is the novelist's job to keep trying to clarify the uniqueness of each individual soul by writing stories - stories of life and death, stories of love, stories that make people cry and quake with fear and shake with laughter. This is why we go on, day after day, concocting fictions with utter seriousness. 

My father died last year at the age of 90. He was a retired teacher and a part-time Buddhist priest. When he was in graduate school, he was drafted into the army and sent to fight in China. As a child born after the war, I used to see him every morning before breakfast offering up long, deeply-felt prayers at the Buddhist altar in our house. One time I asked him why he did this, and he told me he was praying for the people who had died in the war. 

He was praying for all the people who died, he said, both ally and enemy alike. Staring at his back as he knelt at the altar, I seemed to feel the shadow of death hovering around him. 

My father died, and with him he took his memories, memories that I can never know. But the presence of death that lurked about him remains in my own memory. It is one of the few things I carry on from him, and one of the most important. 

I have only one thing I hope to convey to you today. We are all human beings, individuals transcending nationality and race and religion, fragile eggs faced with a solid wall called The System. To all appearances, we have no hope of winning. The wall is too high, too strong - and too cold. If we have any hope of victory at all, it will have to come from our believing in the utter uniqueness and irreplaceability of our own and others' souls and from the warmth we gain by joining souls together.

Take a moment to think about this. Each of us possesses a tangible, living soul. The System has no such thing. We must not allow The System to exploit us. We must not allow The System to take on a life of its own. The System did not make us: We made The System. 

That is all I have to say to you. 

I am grateful to have been awarded the Jerusalem Prize. I am grateful that my books are being read by people in many parts of the world. And I am glad to have had the opportunity to speak to you here today.



練乙錚分析 : 【雨傘革命點收科都係成功】



練乙錚在催淚彈襲城前一晚,從加拿大返到香港,隨即日夜走遍各個佔領區,通宵瞓街與年輕人傾偈。然後,六十三歲的他說:「我很放心。」

他是「香江健筆」,也是兩年前首個質疑「梁氏涉黑」的時事評論員,被視為前瞻政局的明燈。如今,練乙錚卻有別於正在垂淚的香港人,說自己「很放心」,皆因 他瞓街的視線,看到雨傘革命只是揭開香港民主新里程的序幕,未來將會有連場自治自救運動。香港,正式交由「佔中新世代」主場。

他語重心長鼓勵年輕一輩:「即使今次運動取不到即時的成果,不用悲哀、失望,也不代表輸。暫時行埋一邊吧,等個社會繼續爛落去,下一次定會有更多人開竅,再來收拾它。對着高壓無道的極權,我們不要硬碰,不用作無謂犧牲,要保存實力。」
「歷史上沒有革命,一次便成功。從心出發、改變人心的第一步已經做到。香港的未來,我們都可以放心,交由佔中新世代操盤。」